Meat-animal dissociation is when people fail to 'seeanimals in meat or suppress thoughts about the animal origins of meat. In this PHAIR article, Bennigstad et al. (2024) distinguish between two types of meat-animal dissociation.
Markus Spiske, Unsplash
Meat-animal dissociation is when people fail to ‘see’ animals in meat or suppress thoughts about the animal origins of meat. In this PHAIR article, Bennigstad et al. (2024) distinguish between two types of meat-animal dissociation:
The authors developed a scale that reliably distinguishes between
the two forms of dissociation (e.g., active item: “I actively avoid
meat that visibly reminds me of an animal”; passive item: “Animals
rarely come to mind when I eat meat”) (Study 1). They found that
both active and passive forms of dissociation are stable (Study 2);
and explored active and passive orientations among meat industry
workers and general consumers (Study 3).
Implications for advocacy
It may be useful for advocates to distinguish between these two
forms of dissociation when building interventions. Passive
dissociation may be especially problematic for animal advocacy
because it may be indicative of a habitual relationship with meat.
Indeed, Bennigstad et al. found that passive dissociation had a
consistent positive relationship with meat consumption (Study 1).
Furthermore, passive dissociation increased with time spent working
with meat (Study 3), which may highlight the role of habit in its
maintenance.
By contrast, active dissociation may be a sign that a person is
ambivalent about meat and open to reduction, since they are actively
trying to suppress problematic thoughts about meat in their daily
lives.
Part of the work of advocates is to increase the visibility of
animals exploited for food. But an equally important effort may
involve finding ways to bring consumers’ thoughts to animal
exploitation when they interact with animal products.
Link to the paper: Open Access
Abstract
Many individuals like eating meat but condemn causing harm to
animals. Dissociating meat from its animal origins is one way to
avoid the cognitive dissonance this ‘meat paradox’ elicits. While
the significance of meat-animal dissociation for meat consumption is
well-established, a recent literature review suggested that it
consists of two distinct tendencies. First, people may differ in the
degree to which they passively disassociate meat from its animal
origins. Second, they may differ in the extent to which they
actively dissociate to decrease dissonance. By developing and
validating a scale in three pre-registered studies using samples of
American and British meat-eaters, the present investigation aimed to
quantitatively establish whether these two proposed tendencies
constitute distinct constructs with different relations to dietary
preferences, meat-related cognition, and affect. Study 1 (n = 300)
provided initial support for a normally-distributed scale with two
orthogonal dimensions that were systematically and differently
related to a range of individual differences and dietary
preferences. In Study 2 (n = 628), both dimensions were
non-responsive to short-term cues that highlight the animal-meat
link but predicted dietary preferences independent of them. Finally,
Study 3 (n = 231) showed that the dissociation dimensions predict
dietary preferences even in people working in the meat industry who
have long-term exposure to cues that connect meat with its animal
origins. Together, the results of the three studies supported the
notion that people’s dissociation tendencies can be divided into two
qualitatively distinct tendencies. Implications and avenues for
future research are discussed.